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Call to Congress:
Demilitarize the Merida Initiative
The Advocate April 2008
In October 2007, President Bush unveiled the “Merida
Initiative”, an aid package intended to provide a total of $1.4
billion in U.S. assistance over a three-year period to Mexico and Central
America for counternarcotics, counterterrorism and border security efforts
in those countries. The Bush Administration tied the first segment of
funding as part of this package, $500 million for Mexico and $50 million
for Central America, to the controversial Iraq supplemental budget request.
Congress will likely consider this supplemental bill in the coming weeks.
Earlier this year, the President requested the second year of funding,
an additional $450 million for Mexico and $100 million for Central America,
as part of his 2009 budget request.
The Merida Initiative has been billed by the Bush Administration as a
response to a crisis of drug-related violence in Mexico. Due to the extremely
troubling precedent set by past U.S. counternarcotics programs, especially
Plan Colombia, the Merida Initiative as currently envisioned raises similar
red flags for human rights advocates. While this was described as a three-year
plan, given our experience with Plan Colombia, we can expect that whatever
passes this year could continue for many years to come. As none of this
aid has yet been approved, now is a key time for grassroots advocates
to express concerns to policymakers and encourage them to dramatically
reshape the Bush Administration’s package from the start to ensure
that any assistance addresses the roots of the problem and protects human
rights.
What is in the Merida Initiative? The aid package itself is a
jumble of over 30 different programs, ranging from helicopters for the
Mexican military to inspection equipment for the customs agency to computer
software for immigration institute to human rights training for the police.
LAWG and other advocates are particularly troubled that this package would
dramatically increase U.S. assistance to the Mexican military, a force
that has been linked to serious and ongoing human rights abuses. This
aid in the form off helicopters and other equipment should be eliminated
from the package as it perpetuates the military’s inappropriate
role in domestic counternarcotics and law enforcement activities. Soldiers
are not trained for domestic law enforcement and should not take over
policing roles, even in cases where police are tainted by corruption.
Instead, such problems with the police underscore the critical need for
substantial police reform and increased accountability.
Instead, U.S. aid should focus on long-term strategies
to effectively address drug-related violence while promoting the human
rights of Mexicans and Central Americans. There are several positive elements
already included in the funding package aimed at strengthening the justice
system, building stronger civilian institutions in Mexico, and programs
to help prevent youth from joining gangs in Central America. However,
these smaller-dollar, reform-oriented programs are dwarfed by the more
than $240 million requested for planes, helicopters and inspection equipment.
What’s not in the aid package? As not a penny of the Merida Initiative
will provide aid to reduce poverty, it further skews aid to Latin America
in the direction of security assistance rather than aid for public health,
poverty reduction, and disaster assistance. The Merida Initiative also
does nothing to solve the problems on our side of the border that increase
violence in Mexico and Central America: the United States’ demand
for illegal drugs and the flow of U.S. firearms into the region.
Congress needs to proceed with caution as to not approve
another billion dollars for a program with little chance of success in
stopping the scourge of illegal drugs and that may, in fact, have a negative
impact on human rights. Right now, the U.S. Congress has a historic opportunity
to refocus U.S. counternarcotics assistance to a more humane and effective
approach. For these reasons, we encourage grassroots activists to contact
their members of Congress and urge them to:
- “De-militarize” the Merida Initiative:
The Mexican military has been linked to serious human rights abuses.
U.S. aid should not support or appear to support the use of the Mexican
Army in counternarcotics and other domestic law enforcement efforts.
The $104 million for helicopters for the army, as well as counternarcotics
aid for the Mexican army that may be included in the defense bill, should
be directed towards drug treatment and prevention.
- Support efforts to strengthen judicial institutions
and reform the police. This is necessary to reduce corruption and bring
perpetrators of crime to justice, and the proposed aid includes some
positive programs. However, any efforts to strengthen police forces
must be accompanied by reform to ensure greater accountability for the
police.
- Support rural and alternative development aid. With
approximately 25% of Latin Americans trying to survive on less than
$2 a day, it is little wonder that organized crime and drug traffickers
find easy prey amongst Latin America’s poor. Congress should add
assistance for rural development.
- Refocus on drug treatment and prevention programs
in the United States. During the Bush Administration, we’ve seen
a shift of federal funding away from drug treatment and prevention.
Underfunding valuable prevention and treatment programs in the United
States is short-sighted and undermines the most cost-effective means
of weakening the lifeline of drug traffickers – demand.
- Tie human rights conditions to any assistance for
the police or military. The U.S. Congress should include measures to
ensure that human rights violations committed by Mexican security forces
are being investigated, prosecuted and sentenced by Mexican judicial
authorities.
- Improve efforts to reduce the flow of firearms into
Mexico from the United States. Many of the weapons used in drug trafficking
related violence have been purchased and illegally smuggled from the
United States into Mexico.
—Jenny Johnson
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